The SBI Awaits a Reset Due to the “Mindich Tapes”: What the Alternative Anti-Corruption Strategy Proposes

07:30, 29 May 2026
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The Verkhovna Rada has already registered the third version of the Anti-Corruption Strategy, which proposes a reset of the SBI and grants international experts veto power in personnel selection.
The SBI Awaits a Reset Due to the “Mindich Tapes”: What the Alternative Anti-Corruption Strategy Proposes
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As of the end of May 2026, the formation of the state anti-corruption policy for the next five years has turned into an open competition of concepts. The appearance of the third, alternative draft Strategy for 2026–2030, initiated by a group of people's deputies, changes the vector of legislative discussions in the Verkhovna Rada. Now there are three different visions in parliament: the draft of the relevant Committee, the government draft No. 15230-1, and a new deputy draft which positions itself as the most realistic and anti-repressive.

The new draft emphasizes that state anti-corruption policy should be gradual and proactive. It concerns the reorientation of approaches from punitive mechanisms to the prevention of corruption risks.

Standard changes developed by the NACP

Among the proposed directions is the digitalization of processes, including automated data exchange between state registers and the electronic declaration system.

It also provides for the regulation of approaches to conflicts of interest with clearer differentiation of their types, including potential and actual, which should reduce the risk of formal pressure on officials.

Separately, a review of approaches to the obligation to transfer corporate rights is proposed, which is planned to be applied only in cases of actual incompatibility with the position. It is expected that this will reduce the administrative burden on some civil servants.

Resetting the SBI

This block of the legislative initiative can be considered the most controversial. The draft directly raises the issue of the institutional independence of the State Bureau of Investigation.

Unlike the government version, deputies propose granting independent experts delegated by partners decisive voting rights in the selection of the Director of the SBI and the head of the National Police.

Moreover, the draft explicitly mentions the need to remove the current Director of the SBI due to his discreditation through the so-called “Mindich tapes.” The mechanism provides for a report to the Verkhovna Rada and dismissal by the President if the work is deemed unsatisfactory.

It proposes the introduction of a system of periodic independent audits of the SBI, the negative conclusion of which automatically becomes grounds for the dismissal of the leadership.

Autonomy of the SAP

The deputy draft proposes greater expansion of the independence of anti-corruption prosecutors compared to the government version.

In particular, it is envisaged that the head of the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office will have the right to independently initiate criminal proceedings against people's deputies.

It is also proposed to grant the SAP the ability to carry out procedural and investigative actions in NABU proceedings without coordination with the Prosecutor General. This is expected to reduce the risks of political influence in high-profile investigations.

Control over patronage officials

A separate block of the initiative concerns strengthening control over persons holding patronage positions, including advisers and assistants to senior state officials.

This concerns advisers to the President, the Head of the President's Office, and members of the government who participate in decision-making without formal civil servant status and corresponding anti-corruption regulation.

The draft provides for extending financial control tools and limiting the possibilities of informal influence on state decision-making to such categories of persons.

New standards for the judiciary and advocacy

Within the proposed changes, an update of approaches to the work of the Public Integrity Council (PIC) is envisaged. It concerns securing its status at the legislative level taking into account the recommendations of the Venice Commission. It is emphasized that the PIC should enhance the transparency of procedures but not replace institutional decisions.

Reform of the bar self-government is also proposed. In particular, it is proposed to improve legislative regulation of the formation and functioning of bar self-government bodies to ensure their regular renewal, accountability, and transparency, as well as guarantee the electoral rights of lawyers.

Among the key changes are the digitalization of electoral procedures and the introduction of secure online voting based on the principle “one lawyer – one vote.” It is also proposed to streamline the electoral cycle in the bar self-government system and provide safeguards against its blocking or postponement.

An exhaustive list of grounds and maximum terms for extending the powers of bar self-government bodies is separately defined. It is planned to shorten the terms of office, introduce mandatory rotation of members of the bodies taking into account European practices, and limit the tenure of one person in office to no more than one consecutive term.

Support by the Verkhovna Rada specifically for the deputy version with expanded influence of international experts can be seen as an indicator of readiness for deeper institutional changes in the law enforcement system.

At the same time, proposals regarding parliamentary control mechanisms over the SBI leadership may create a precedent for strengthening the role of the Verkhovna Rada in overseeing security agencies.

In conclusion, the choice between the proposed approaches may determine the model of functioning of the anti-corruption system for the coming years – as an autonomous institutional mechanism or as part of the current power vertical.

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